By Alexander J. W.
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The trail of moran indiscretions leaves the elders unconvinced, suspicious of their extra-manyata subversions, and vigilant. The vigilance of the elders is seen to stem from an acquisitive urge to build up their herds and families as personal possessions, which they jealously horde in small isolated villages. What the elders regard as their growing family responsibilities, the moran see as a selfish and hypocritical concern for accumulating personal possessions. The apparent anomaly of elderhood concerns a distinction between capital (stock), which moran are in no position to accumulate before marriage, and the consumable proceeds of that capital (milk or meat), which elders continue to share with their age mates as they did when moran.
5–6 ? 8 9–20 10–50 5–40 MODELS OF THE AGE SYSTEM defiance could provoke a terrible age-set curse, but that is not the way of moran, who both loathe and do not understand cursing. They want to bring their most headstrong age mates to their senses, nurturing them through physical coercion rather than isolating them. This period of moranhood lasts several years and reaches a climax when the manyat of a tribal section converge on one site to celebrate their eunoto festival. Then they return to their original sites and disband at some point after this.
1. Among the Maasai, this boundary is more blurred, with a more individualistic approach to marriage (as towards accumulating wealth subsequently). The disbanding of the manyata is accepted as an ideal point to begin negotiations for marriage, but a few young men may be forced by their fathers to marry before this point, and some at an even earlier stage as an alternative to becoming moran. 1 as a model for the system of age stratification. Each rung would then represent an age grade, with youths climbing onto the lowest rung at initiation and older age-sets passing in procession up the ladder.